111101 entry from the books the books disagree: each version, with the date it gives
1970
From the books
Tenant farmers of Maronite convents strike for land.
In 1970 gendarmes intervened at Mayfuq, where, as at Tannurin, convent tenants of the Batrun and Jbeil uplands struck and marched for more of the harvest and a share-out of church land.
The labour confederation unifies; the Organisation of Communist Action is born.
In 1970 Lebanon's licensed unions joined the General Confederation of Workers (CGTL), where moderate and right-wing federations still held sway. That year two new-left groups, Socialist Lebanon and the Organisation of Lebanese Socialists, fused as the Organisation of Communist Action in Lebanon (OCAL), which made the fast-growing industrial workforce central to its project and built workers' committees in the factories.
Art and memory
testimony In al-Nahar in April 2004, Jocelyne Khueiry and Ahmad al-Jabir (Organisation of Communist Action from 1973) recalled their early-1970s youth as partisans.
Jumblatt legalises the Communist, Arab nationalist, Syrian nationalist and Baath parties.
The Lebanese Communist Party, the Arab Nationalist Movement, the Syrian Social Nationalist Party and the Baath parties were legalised by Kamal Jumblatt in his final act as interior minister.
The Frangieh-Salam government dismantles the army's Deuxième Bureau.
Frangieh and his prime minister, Saeb Salam, swiftly broke up the Chehabist military intelligence: many civil servants were moved; five arrested officers were sentenced to prison and fled to Syria. Hanf argues the state thereby lost control of political groups, which armed as never before.
Dated 27 January 1970, the Cairo Agreement's annexes, in Picard's summary, let armed fedayeen travel to and from the southern fronts, chiefly the Arqoub, and put the camps outside Lebanese jurisdiction under Palestinian military police.
A threatened general strike forces health cover under social security.
Some 250,000 employees were due to gain health cover when the government, facing a general strike called for February 1970, started the National Social Security Fund's medical scheme. To pay less, employers laid off long-serving staff en masse.
A week of fighting between Palestinians and Kataeb around Tall al-Za'tar.
Only the Egyptian foreign minister's intervention ended a week of Palestinian-Kataeb fighting that broke out right after Kahhale, heaviest between Tall al-Za'tar and Dekwaneh, a mainly Maronite suburb beside it.
A Palestinian funeral convoy is fired on at Kahhale.
Palestinians died when a convoy carrying a guerrilla's coffin to Damascus for burial and the residents of Kahhale, a Maronite village, traded fire. Who shot first, and how many were killed, is disputed. Hanf places the incident among the first serious clashes between Palestinians and armed Christians.
Bashir Gemayel is kidnapped and held in Tall al-Za'tar.
Kamal Jumblatt's intervention with Yasir Arafat freed Bashir Gemayel, the Kataeb leader's younger son, seized by Palestinians and held in Tall al-Za'tar camp.
Israeli forces invade the south after the shelling of Kiryat Shmona.
Lebanese troops suffered heavy losses when Israel sent forces across the border to retaliate for the Palestinian shelling of Kiryat Shmona. Hanf links the rise in guerrilla raids after the Cairo Agreement to more reprisals and a new wave of villagers fleeing north.
New government rules bar PLO rocket fire, minelaying and weapons in towns.
The Popular Front rejected, and Fatah and Saiqa accepted, the rules set by the government in May: no rocket fire from Lebanese soil, no minelaying, no carrying of arms in towns and villages. Jumblatt, as interior minister, had also sought to keep PLO bases at least a kilometre from any town or village and training out of the camps. It did not last.
The government recognises the Shi'i council and releases aid after a national day for the south.
The government recognised the new Higher Shi'i Council and released ten million dollars of aid for the south, steps taken after an official solidarity day for the region.
Suleiman Frangieh is elected president by one vote.
Kamal Jumblatt's bloc tipped the balance, and Suleiman Frangieh, a Zghorta clan leader backed by the Tripartite Alliance and Saeb Salam, beat the Chehabist Elias Sarkis by a single vote. When the Speaker contested the result, Frangieh's gunmen came armed into the chamber.
Black September in Jordan: the PLO leadership and thousands of fighters move to Lebanon.
Lebanon became the Palestinian resistance's chief base after King Hussein's army defeated the PLO in Jordan; thousands of fighters and tens of thousands of civilians came with its leaders, who settled in Beirut. Within months, Hanf judges, the Palestinians held the upper hand.
Hafez al-Assad seized power in Damascus in a bloodless coup, his 'corrective movement'. Picard sees the Baath, above all after this, as an unofficial tool of Syrian intervention in Lebanon.
AUB students strike and occupy against fee increases.
In 1971 police and Phalange militiamen ended an American University of Beirut students' strike against higher fees, and students were expelled. Strikers had occupied buildings and marched in force.
Peasants of Hanin clash with Speaker Kamel al-As'ad over land.
Twenty-three villagers of Hanin, in the south, were arrested in 1971 during a violent land-ownership dispute between its peasants and Speaker Kamel al-As'ad. A similar dispute arose that year at Qantara, owned by the 'Usayran family.
Founded by Fusako Shigenobu, close to George Habash's PFLP, the Japanese Red Army settled in Lebanon in 1971 and first struck abroad with the 1972 Lod airport massacre.
About 150 'believing teachers' start presenting Islam as an ideology in South Lebanon schools.
From 1971 about 150 'believing teachers' brought an ideological Islam into schools in South Lebanon, an early sign, in de Clerck and Malsagne's account, of Shi'i mobilisation.
A general strike set for 25 May is put off after a 5 per cent wage rise.
The General Workers' Union set a general strike for 25 May 1971 but deferred it when a 5 per cent wage rise was decreed. It sought 11 per cent more pay, lower rents, state imports of medicines and basic foods, a law for farm labourers and no more arbitrary dismissals.
First strikes led by workers' committees in Beirut's industrial suburbs.
By early 1971 OCAL's workers' committees were in the main factories of Beirut's southern suburbs; that summer workers struck at Seven-Up, Snibois, Unifid and Pioneer-Jabre. Some strikes were broken up by force; beyond the rehiring of some sacked workers, no demand was met.
Jordan outlaws Palestinian groups and fighters; the resistance shifts its centre to Beirut.
Tens of thousands of Palestinian fighters, with the resistance's offices, hospitals, research and press centres, were now in Lebanon, chiefly Beirut, its main base once Jordan barred Palestinian political groups and fighters in June 1971.
Yuhanna Bassul is elected Greek Catholic bishop of Zahle.
Elected Greek Catholic bishop of Zahle on 18 August 1971, Yuhanna Bassul was welcomed with ceremony in the town and in Christian villages of the northern Bekaa. His journals, covering 1971-1976 and long unknown, are a rare source on how the war came to Zahle.
Art and memory
book Bishop Yuhanna Bassul's journals for 1971-1976, kept at the Greek Catholic archbishopric of Sayyidat al-Najat in Zahle, surfaced during fieldwork in 2016. They trace tensions over the Palestinian question in Zahle and Ta'labaya.
Sixteen thousand public school teachers strike for two months.
In 1972 the ministry broke a two-month nationwide public school teachers' strike by suspending salaries. They wanted higher pay, union rights and a pension after 25 years' service.
After the 1972 general elections there were none for twenty years; the parliament they chose sat through the whole war. Hanf rates them Lebanon's cleanest and freest; Traboulsi stresses how little they let new forces in.
The Arab Front for Participation in the Resistance is founded.
Some twelve progressive parties and organisations made up the Arab Front for Participation in the Resistance, set up in 1972 with the Lebanese National Movement among its founders.
From 1972 traffic between Christian Ashrafieh and Hamra, Beirut's second hub, could avoid the crowded centre on the Ring expressway. In the war it symbolised the split city.
Art and memory
place Linking Ashrafieh and Hamra since 1972, the Ring became a wartime emblem of the divided city; snipers fired on it from rooftops including the unfinished Murr tower.
The Israeli army invades the south as far as the Litani.
Picard counts over 100 dead and over 150 houses destroyed as Israeli troops, aiming to disable the fedayeen and their Lebanese backers, drove south to several points on the Litani.
Lebanese University students launch a mass strike; private universities join.
In spring 1972 AUB, Saint-Joseph and Beirut Arab University students backed a mass strike called by NULUS, the Lebanese University students' union, now run by the left (PSP, Communists, OCA).
After the Lod airport attack, Israel holds Lebanon responsible and strikes the south.
Israeli attacks by land, sea and air on the Rashidieh camp, Hasbaya, Dayr Ashayer and Tibnin killed about 150 people after Japanese Red Army gunmen killed 24 at Lod airport, an operation the PLO had prepared for them in Beirut. Israel now declared Lebanon's government answerable for every PLO action.
Kamel al-As'ad founds his Democratic Socialist Party.
In July 1972 Speaker Kamel al-As'ad, Sadr's rival for Shi'i leadership, set up a Democratic Socialist Party, partly to curb Communists and Baathists in the south.
Habash and Jibril reject the 'freeze' Arafat accepts.
Urged by the government to hold back, Arafat agreed to suspend operations; Habash and Jibril said their groups were not bound. Hanf notes that southern Shi'is, at first wary of the guerrillas, came to blame government inaction for Israel's blows.
After Munich, Israel invades South Lebanon for three days.
Israeli forces entered the south in reprisal for the Munich Olympics attack on Israeli athletes, striking Nahr al-Bared camp and southern and Bekaa villages. The Lebanese army held them up for two days; they left after three, destroying bridges and houses on the way out. De Clerck & Malsagne count 118 dead.
A general strike and mass rallies protest the Ghandour killings.
Protests broke out nationwide for three days. Under pressure from its members, the labour confederation called a one-day general strike, and Kamal Jumblatt led some 20,000 marchers to parliament, where the crowd shouted '99 thieves and 17 ruffians'. Salam's government refused any inquiry and made demonstrations subject to permits.
Workers at the Ghandour factories begin an open-ended strike.
On 3 November 1972 an indefinite strike began at the Ghandour confectionery group, Lebanon's largest non-unionised industrial workforce. Workers wanted their factory committee recognised, the right to unionise, equal wages for women and higher pay.
Two workers died on 11 November 1972 when security forces opened fire outside Ghandour's Chiyah plant: Fatima al-Khawaja of the Communist Party and Yusuf al-Attar of the OCA's workers' committees. Others were wounded. De Clerck & Malsagne call it the first workers' protest since independence put down with deadly force.
Talks failed; the company locked out and sacked its whole workforce. Traboulsi says it reopened after a week, taking back all but 100 it saw as ringleaders; Tufaro describes a six-month lockout that fresh protests ended, with the demands unmet.
A ministry of industry is created; its minister denounces the import monopolies.
Weeks after taking the new ministry of industry, long sought by industrialists, the businessman Pierre Helou told the press that the trading monopolies ran the government and were thwarting his efforts to shield local industry.
