A ministry of industry is created; its minister denounces the import monopolies.
Weeks after taking the new ministry of industry, long sought by industrialists, the businessman Pierre Helou told the press that the trading monopolies ran the government and were thwarting his efforts to shield local industry.
324 striking teachers are dismissed as 'agitators'.
From January to July 1973 state school teachers were on strike again, and movements nationwide rallied to their sit-ins and hunger strikes. Saeb Salam's government sacked 324 of them as agitators; the Maronite Church's call for their reinstatement went unheeded.
Thousands of tobacco growers occupy the Régie offices in Nabatieh.
On 22 January 1973 thousands of tobacco growers seeking 20 per cent more for their leaf marched in Nabatieh and occupied the offices of the Régie, the tobacco monopoly, after years without results.
Two peasants died on 23 January 1973 when soldiers fired on protesting tobacco growers. About 20,000 rallied in Beirut in support, and clashes spread across Lebanon.
Huge funerals for the PLO leaders; Prime Minister Salam resigns.
When Saeb Salam demanded the removal of the army commander, General Iskandar Ghanem, Frangieh refused and Salam resigned. Huge crowds mourned the three leaders; Traboulsi says they were angry at an army used against Lebanese, not for defence.
The army's assault on the Palestinian camps overshadowed the brief premiership of Amin al-Hafiz, a Tripoli MP on good terms with the PLO, who had presented his cabinet as a revised 'youth' government.
Israeli commandos kill three PLO leaders in rue Verdun, Beirut.
During the night of 9 to 10 April, Israeli commandos came ashore and drove into West Beirut in hired cars. Fatah's Abu Yusuf al-Najjar and Kamal Adwan and the poet Kamal Nasser, PLO spokesman, were killed at home, within about a hundred metres of a police barracks; commandos also landed at Sidon. By the time the army was alerted, the raiders had left.
Fatah members with explosives are arrested at Beirut airport.
Four Fatah members with explosives in their luggage were stopped at the airport before a flight to Europe; a day later, near the US embassy, five Democratic Front guerrillas were held.
Syria closes its border and sends Saiqa and the PLA into the Bekaa.
Saiqa and Palestine Liberation Army units crossed into the southern Bekaa, and Damascus shut the border to passengers and goods, threatened to close its airspace and accused Lebanon of joining an international scheme to crush the Palestinian resistance. Picard dates Syria's systematic armed intervention in Lebanon from here.
Zahle schoolchildren march for the army; Ta'labaya answers with roadblocks.
The battle of the camps split the Zahle area: pupils in the town demonstrated for the army, while in nearby Ta'labaya Muslim residents blocked roads and set tyres alight. Bishop Bassul then gathered Christian and Muslim clerics, who declared their loyalty to the state.
First congress of Bekaa peasants campaigns against fertiliser prices.
Rising fertiliser and pesticide costs were the target of a campaign launched in May 1973 by the first congress of Bekaa peasants and farmers, which also sought a new tenancy law and farmers' social security.
Palestinian guerrillas abduct three Lebanese soldiers.
The May 1973 crisis began when members of the Popular and Democratic Fronts abducted three Lebanese soldiers as hostages for the release of detained Palestinians.
Heavy fighting as the army rings Beirut's Palestinian camps.
More than 100 Lebanese and Palestinians were killed in two weeks of fighting that began on 2 May, when the army deployed around Beirut's largest Palestinian camps; the CIA called these the worst clashes since 1969. Uprisings broke out in Sidon and Tripoli, and Beirut's Muslim neighbourhoods filled with demonstrators.
The Lebanese air force bombs Palestinian camps in Beirut.
The Lebanese air force was used against the camps: Hanf writes that it bombed Burj al-Barajneh in response to rockets launched at the airport from inside the camp.
On 17 May, after Frangieh bowed to Arab pressure and halted the army, a West Beirut hotel hosted the Melkart signing: no more Palestinian raids into Israel, and a joint army-Palestinian commission. Hanf says it reaffirmed Cairo and proved as ineffective.
Christian parties buy arms abroad; officers train the militias.
After May 1973 the Christian militias bought arms in Czechoslovakia, Belgium and Bulgaria, had Jordanian and Saudi aid, paid for weapons the army imported and were trained by Christian officers; Hanf traces this to their leaders' view that state and army could no longer defend Lebanese sovereignty. Fatah armed and trained Musa al-Sadr's new militia.
The future Lebanese National Movement is launched at the Byblos Cinema.
In June 1973 opponents of a draft law curbing political parties met in force at the Byblos Cinema and founded the Rally of National and Democratic Parties and Personalities, later the Lebanese National Movement.
On 14 June 1973, a month after Melkart, Amin al-Hafiz resigned. Chamoun, Gemayel and Frangieh kept Jumblatt from the interior ministry under Taqi al-Din al-Sulh, chosen chiefly for his Iraqi leanings.
In Dekwaneh, Palestinian gunmen fight the army, the Phalange and Eddé's supporters.
According to Traboulsi, Dekwaneh, the suburb beside Tall al-Za'tar camp, saw the first fight pitting armed Palestinians against the army, Phalangists and Raymond Eddé's supporters. It was already public knowledge that the Phalange and Chamoun's party were giving their members weapons and training.
The government announces 140 appointments and the end of sectarian quotas in the top civil service.
The Sulh cabinet's 140 administrative appointments of August 1973 came with a declared end to civil-service sectarianism: junior posts split evenly between Christians and Muslims, director-general posts no longer held by one sect. Traboulsi sees the real aim as swapping Chehabist officials for the returning notables' men.
The government met the CGTL general strike with a decreed 5 per cent rise, higher minimum wage and family allowances, and curbs on sacking unionists. Strikers also wanted commercial profits capped and cooperatives aided: for Traboulsi, the unions' first challenge to the commercial oligarchy.
Israel wrecks the Barouk radar in the October War; Lebanon stays out.
During the October War Israel destroyed the Mount Barouk radar Lebanon had lent Syria, and its jets crossed the Bekaa to strike Damascus, though Lebanon took no part. In Zahle the bishop and residents sent relief to Damascus for the Syrian army and nursed wounded soldiers at Tal Chiha hospital.
President Frangieh defends the Palestinians' rights at the UN General Assembly.
At the UN General Assembly, Suleiman Frangieh argued the Palestinians' national case on behalf of all the Arab states (Picard) and put forward Lebanon's model of coexistence for Palestine (Hanf). Hanf adds that US customs set sniffer dogs on his luggage.
Musa al-Sadr and Husayn al-Husayni found the Movement of the Deprived.
Imam Musa al-Sadr and the deputy Husayn al-Husayni launched the Movement of the Deprived, which de Clerck & Malsagne date to 1974, when its programme was first set out. It wanted the south developed, a fair share of the budget and state posts for Shi'is, and the border villages defended; 190 figures from all sects signed a petition backing it. Amal, its armed wing, came to light in 1975.
Art and memory
artwork Traboulsi cites a poem by Abbas Beydoun, set to music by Marcel Khalifa, as an expression of that generation's frustration; it is addressed to 'Ali, a figure for the southerners and the urban poor.
Shi'is gain access to top civil service posts for the first time.
Although Shi'is made up close to 30 per cent of the population, they held only 19 of the 99 parliamentary seats, and it was 1974 before any of them reached the top grade of the civil service.
Christians aligned with the Communists and the National Movement founded the Rally of Committed Christians, which sought a secular, democratic and open Arabism.
Lebanese parties and Palestinian groups arm and train.
In 1974 Lebanese and Palestinians alike were arming and training. At least ten Palestinian organisations kept military facilities in all five provinces and trained Lebanese allies, Sadr's militia and Sidon's Nasserites among them. On the other side, retired officers drilled Kataeb fighters in the Mountain; the party, 70,000 strong in 1970 and claiming to stand in for a weak state, fielded some 15,000 when the war began. Most of its weapons, Picard says, came from Israel, with which Bashir Gemayel had cooperated militarily since 1974.
Art and memory
testimony Shaftari, a former aide of Elie Hobeika who joined the Kataeb in 1974 believing Lebanon was 'made for the Christians', later spoke openly about his war in a 2002 interview in al-Hayat, discussed by Haugbolle.
Lifted by Palestinian capital and Gulf investment, 1974 was the strongest prewar year, with income per head at about 1,200 dollars, double the 1967 figure. Yet inflation averaged 8 per cent a year in the three prewar years, and in 1973-74, 54 per cent of the population counted as poor or relatively poor.
Georges Nasser makes 'Al-matlub rajul wahid' ('One Man Is Wanted').
De Clerck and Malsagne cite Georges Nasser's Al-matlub rajul wahid (1974) as evidence that honour codes and patronage still governed Lebanon's patriarchal society just before the war.
Art and memory
film Georges Nasser's 1974 film 'Al-matlub rajul wahid' serves de Clerck and Malsagne as an illustration of the patriarchal, honour-bound and clientelist society of prewar Lebanon.
Israel resumes raids on the south and begins 'pre-emptive' strikes.
Beirut took in yet more refugees after Israel resumed raiding South Lebanon in January 1974. That year Israel also began what it called 'pre-emptive' strikes, hitting Palestinian targets unprovoked.
Art and memory
film Jean Chamoun's feature 'Tayf al-madina' (In the Shadows of the City, 2000) opens with its hero remembering 1974, when a shell fell on his southern village and his family fled to Beirut.
Early in 1974 a general strike, the peak of a campaign by town and country technical schools for better teaching and more varied specialisations, won almost nothing.
Egypt and Israel sign the first Sinai disengagement agreement.
Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy produced the first Egyptian-Israeli disengagement agreement in Sinai. Hanf argues that the disengagements left Lebanon as the only front open to Palestinian armed struggle.
A movement for church renewal forms around Bishop Grégoire Haddad.
Grégoire Haddad, Beirut's Greek Catholic bishop, later removed from his see, was in early 1974 the focus of a current seeking 'ecumenical renewal with an independent perspective'. He sought secularism and an end to religious marriage; his journal Afaq condemned the 'exploitative social system'.
Another postponement of the general strike sets off wildcat strikes across Lebanon.
Wildcat actions broke out after the CGTL again postponed its general strike. For two days the workers' committees of Beirut's Mkalles–Tall al-Za'tar industrial belt kept the factories shut and nearby roads blocked, with about 10,000 workers. Tufaro also records some 20,000 students and workers cutting the Sidon–Beirut road, and protesters ransacking a union office in Tripoli.
